COMMON CORE STATE STANDARDS for ENGLISH LANGUAGE ARTS & LITERACY IN HISTORY/SOCIAL STUDIES, SCIENCE, AND TECHNICAL SUBJECTS
sympathy could not warm him? Who so obdurate and dead to the claims of gratitude, that would not thankfully
acknowledge such priceless benefits? Who so stolid and selfish, that would not give his voice to swell the hallelujahs
of a nation’s jubilee, when the chains of servitude had been torn from his limbs? I am not that man. In a case like that,
the dumb might eloquently speak, and the “lame man leap as an hart.”
But such is not the state of the case. I say it with a sad sense of the disparity between us. I am not included within the
pale of glorious anniversary! Your high independence only reveals the immeasurable distance between us. The
blessings in which you, this day, rejoice, are not enjoyed in common. The rich inheritance of justice, liberty, prosperity
and independence, bequeathed by your fathers, is shared by you, not by me. The sunlight that brought light and
healing to you, has brought stripes and death to me. This Fourth July is yours, not mine. You may rejoice, I must
mourn. To drag a man in fetters into the grand illuminated temple of liberty, and call upon him to join you in joyous
anthems, were inhuman mockery and sacrilegious irony. Do you mean, citizens, to mock me, by asking me to speak
to-day? If so, there is a parallel to your conduct. And let me warn you that it is dangerous to copy the example of a
nation whose crimes, towering up to heaven, were thrown down by the breath of the Almighty, burying that nation in
irrevocable ruin! I can to-day take up the plaintive lament of a peeled and woe-smitten people!
“By the rivers of Babylon, there we sat down. Yea! We wept when we remembered Zion. We hanged our harps upon
the willows in the midst thereof. For there, they that carried us away captive, required of us a song; and they who
wasted us required of us mirth, saying, Sing us one of the songs of Zion. How can we sing the Lord’s song in a strange
land? If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning. If I do not remember thee, let my tongue
cleave to the roof of my mouth.”
Fellow-citizens, above your national, tumultuous joy, I hear the mournful wail of millions! whose chains, heavy and
grievous yesterday, are, to-day, rendered more intolerable by the jubilee shouts that reach them. If I do forget, if I do
not faithfully remember those bleeding children of sorrow this day, “may my right hand forget her cunning, and may
my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth!” To forget them, to pass lightly over their wrongs, and to chime in with the
popular theme, would be treason most scandalous and shocking, and would make me a reproach before God and the
world. My subject, then, fellow-citizens, is American slavery. I shall see this day and its popular characteristics from
the slave’s point of view. Standing there identified with the American bondman, making his wrongs mine, I do not
hesitate to declare, with all my soul, that the character and conduct of this nation never looked blacker to me than on
this 4th of July! Whether we turn to the declarations of the past, or to the professions of the present, the conduct of
the nation seems equally hideous and revolting. America is false to the past, false to the present, and solemnly binds
herself to be false to the future. Standing with God and the crushed and bleeding slave on this occasion, I will, in the
name of humanity which is outraged, in the name of liberty which is fettered, in the name of the constitution and the
Bible which are disregarded and trampled upon, dare to call in question and to denounce, with all the emphasis I can
command, everything that serves to perpetuate slavery the great sin and shame of America! “I will not equivocate; I
will not excuse”; I will use the severest language I can command; and yet not one word shall escape me that any man,
whose judgment is not blinded by prejudice, or who is not at heart a slaveholder, shall not confess to be right and just.
But I fancy I hear some one of my audience say, “It is just in this circumstance that you and your brother abolitionists
fail to make a favorable impression on the public mind. Would you argue more, an denounce less; would you persuade
more, and rebuke less; your cause would be much more likely to succeed.” But, I submit, where all is plain there is
nothing to be argued. What point in the anti-slavery creed would you have me argue? On what branch of the subject
do the people of this country need light? Must I undertake to prove that the slave is a man? That point is conceded
already. Nobody doubts it. The slaveholders themselves acknowledge it in the enactment of laws for their govern-
ment. They acknowledge it when they punish disobedience on the part of the slave. There are seventy-two crimes in
the State of Virginia which, if committed by a black man (no matter how ignorant he be), subject him to the punish-
ment of death; while only two of the same crimes will subject a white man to the like punishment. What is this but the
acknowledgment that the slave is a moral, intellectual, and responsible being? The manhood of the slave is conceded.
It is admitted in the fact that Southern statute books are covered with enactments forbidding, under severe fines and
penalties, the teaching of the slave to read or to write. When you can point to any such laws in reference to the beasts
of the field, then I may consent to argue the manhood of the slave. When the dogs in your streets, when the fowls of
the air, when the cattle on your hills, when the fish of the sea, and the reptiles that crawl, shall be unable to distinguish
the slave from a brute, then will I argue with you that the slave is a man!
For the present, it is enough to affirm the equal manhood of the Negro race. Is it not astonishing that, while we are
ploughing, planting, and reaping, using all kinds of mechanical tools, erecting houses, constructing bridges, building
ships, working in metals of brass, iron, copper, silver and gold; that, while we are reading, writing and ciphering, acting
as clerks, merchants and secretaries, having among us lawyers, doctors, ministers, poets, authors, editors, orators and
teachers; that, while we are engaged in all manner of enterprises common to other men, digging gold in California,
capturing the whale in the Pacific, feeding sheep and cattle on the hill-side, living, moving, acting, thinking, planning,
living in families as husbands, wives and children, and, above all, confessing and worshipping the Christian’s God, and
looking hopefully for life and immortality beyond the grave, we are called upon to prove that we are men!
Would you have me argue that man is entitled to liberty? That he is the rightful owner of his own body? You have
already declared it. Must I argue the wrongfulness of slavery? Is that a question for Republicans? Is it to be settled by
the rules of logic and argumentation, as a matter beset with great difficulty, involving a doubtful application of the
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